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Summary: Act 4, scene 1

The film was originally to be titled Good Witch 2: Magic Never Fades. The film's premiere did moderately well for Hallmark Channel. It scored a 2.7 household rating with over 2.3 million homes, over 3.1 million total viewers and 4.2 million unduplicated viewers. Aug 11, 2017  RELOADED – TORRENT – FREE DOWNLOAD – CRACKED The Lord of the Rings The Battle for Middle earth II The Rise of the Witch-king is a real-time strategy video game Description: The Lord of the Rings Battle for Middle Earth II is an Action game and published by Electronic Arts released on 28 November, 2006. In G-Switch 4, five new characters in new avatars have been created. So, while playing in the multiplayer mode, in contrast to single player mode, you get the choice of playing with eight different characters altogether, customizing their controls the way you want.

In a dark cavern, a bubbling cauldron hisses and spits,and the three witches suddenly appear onstage. They circle the cauldron,chanting spells and adding bizarre ingredients to their stew—“eyeof newt and toe of frog, / Wool of bat and tongue of dog” (4.1.14–15). Hecatematerializes and compliments the witches on their work. One of thewitches then chants: “By the pricking of my thumbs, / Somethingwicked this way comes” (4.1.61–62).In fulfillment of the witch’s prediction, Macbeth enters. He asksthe witches to reveal the truth of their prophecies to him. To answerhis questions, they summon horrible apparitions, each of which offersa prediction to allay Macbeth’s fears. First, a floating head warnshim to beware Macduff; Macbeth says that he has already guessedas much. Then a bloody child appears and tells him that “none ofwoman born / shall harm Macbeth” (4.1.96–97).Next, a crowned child holding a tree tells him that he is safe untilBirnam Wood moves to Dunsinane Hill. Finally, a procession of eightcrowned kings walks by, the last carrying a mirror. Banquo’s ghostwalks at the end of the line. Macbeth demands to know the meaningof this final vision, but the witches perform a mad dance and thenvanish. Lennox enters and tells Macbeth that Macduff has fled toEngland. Macbeth resolves to send murderers to capture Macduff’scastle and to kill Macduff’s wife and children.

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Summary: Act 4, scene 2

At Macduff’s castle, Lady Macduff accosts Ross, demandingto know why her husband has fled. She feels betrayed. Ross insiststhat she trust her husband’s judgment and then regretfully departs.Once he is gone, Lady Macduff tells her son that his father is dead,but the little boy perceptively argues that he is not. Suddenly,a messenger hurries in, warning Lady Macduff that she is in dangerand urging her to flee. Lady Macduff protests, arguing that shehas done no wrong. A group of murderers then enters. When one ofthem denounces Macduff, Macduff’s son calls the murderer a liar,and the murderer stabs him. Lady Macduff turns and runs, and thepack of killers chases after her.

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Summary: Act 4, scene 3

Outside King Edward’s palace, Malcolm speaks with Macduff,telling him that he does not trust him since he has left his familyin Scotland and may be secretly working for Macbeth. To determine whetherMacduff is trustworthy, Malcolm rambles on about his own vices.He admits that he wonders whether he is fit to be king, since heclaims to be lustful, greedy, and violent. At first, Macduff politelydisagrees with his future king, but eventually Macduff cannot keephimself from crying out, “O Scotland, Scotland!” (4.3.101).Macduff’s loyalty to Scotland leads him to agree that Malcolm isnot fit to govern Scotland and perhaps not even to live. In givingvoice to his disparagement, Macduff has passed Malcolm’s test ofloyalty. Malcolm then retracts the lies he has put forth about hissupposed shortcomings and embraces Macduff as an ally. A doctorappears briefly and mentions that a “crew of wretched souls” waitsfor King Edward so they may be cured (4.3.142).When the doctor leaves, Malcolm explains to Macduff that King Edwardhas a miraculous power to cure disease.

Ross enters. He has just arrived from Scotland, and tellsMacduff that his wife and children are well. He urges Malcolm toreturn to his country, listing the woes that have befallen Scotlandsince Macbeth took the crown. Malcolm says that he will return withten thousand soldiers lent him by the English king. Then, breaking down,Ross confesses to Macduff that Macbeth has murdered his wife andchildren. Macduff is crushed with grief. Malcolm urges him to turnhis grief to anger, and Macduff assures him that he will inflictrevenge upon Macbeth.

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Analysis: Act 4, scenes 1–3

The witches are vaguely absurd figures, with their rhymesand beards and capering, but they are also clearly sinister, possessinga great deal of power over events. Are they simply independent agents playingmischievously and cruelly with human events? Or are the “weird sisters”agents of fate, betokening the inevitable? The word weird descendsetymologically from the Anglo-Saxon word wyrd, which means “fate”or “doom,” and the three witches bear a striking resemblance tothe Fates, female characters in both Norse and Greek mythology.Perhaps their prophecies are constructed to wreak havoc in the mindsof the hearers, so that they become self-fulfilling. It is doubtful,for instance, that Macbeth would have killed Duncan if not for hismeeting with the witches. On the other hand, the sisters’ propheciesmay be accurate readings of the future. After all, when Birnam Woodcomes to Dunsinane at the play’s end, the soldiers bearing the brancheshave not heard of the prophecy.

Whatever the nature of the witches’ prophecies, theirsheer inscrutability is as important as any reading of their motivations andnatures. The witches stand outside the limits of human comprehension.They seem to represent the part of human beings in which ambitionand sin originate—an incomprehensible and unconscious part of thehuman psyche. In this sense, they almost seem to belong to a Christian framework,as supernatural embodiments of the Christian concept of originalsin. Indeed, many critics have argued that Macbeth, aremarkably simple story of temptation, fall, and retribution, isthe most explicitly Christian of Shakespeare’s great tragedies.If so, however, it is a dark Christianity, one more concerned withthe bloody consequences of sin than with grace or divine love. Perhapsit would be better to say that Macbeth is the mostorderly and just of the tragedies, insofar as evil deeds lead first topsychological torment and then to destruction. The nihilism of KingLear, in which the very idea of divine justice seems laughable, isabsent in Macbeth—divine justice, whether Christianor not, is a palpable force hounding Macbeth toward his inevitableend.

According to witch-hunters during the height of the witch trials, the witches' mark (not to be confused with a witches' teat) indicated that an individual was a witch. The witches' mark and the devil's mark are both terms applied to essentially the same mark. The beliefs about the mark differ depending on the trial location and the accusation made against the witch. Evidence of the witches' mark is found earliest in the 16th century, and reached its peak in 1645, then essentially disappeared by 1700.^[1] The Witch or Devil's mark was believed to be the permanent marking of the Devil on his initiates to seal their obedience and service to him. He created the mark by raking his claw across their flesh, or by making a blue or red brand using a hot iron. Sometimes, the mark was believed to have been left by the Devil licking the individual. The Devil was thought to mark the individual at the end of nocturnal initiation rites.^[2] The witches' teat was a raised bump somewhere on a witch's body. It is often depicted as having a wart-like appearance.

Apotropaic marks, made to keep witches out of buildings, are also referred to as witches' marks. Such marks have been found in buildings across England, on doors, in timbers, or scratched on stone walls.

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Beliefs about the mark on witches[edit]

The witches' teat is associated with the perversion of maternal power by witches in early modern England.^[3] The witches' teat is associated with the feeding of witches' imps or familiars; the witch's familiar supposedly aided the witch in her magic in exchange for nourishment (blood) from sacrificial animals or from the witch's teat.^[4] It is also where the devil supposedly suckles when he comes at night to bed his faithful servants, sometimes impregnating them with his seed. Once the devilish half-breed has been conceived, the cambion may only feed upon this teat and no other. Folklore suggests that on the 7th day of the 7th week of consecutive feeding upon the teat, the cambion would grow to adulthood immediately and begin wreaking havoc with a range of demonic powers inherited from its supernatural father. However, should the ritual be disrupted during the 49-day period, the process has to restart all over again.

All witches and sorcerers were believed to have a witches' mark waiting to be found. A person accused of witchcraft was brought to trial and carefully scrutinized.^{[citation needed]} The entire body was suspect as a canvas for a mark, an indicator of a pact with Satan.^[2] Witches' marks were commonly believed to include moles, skin tags, supernumerary nipples, and insensitive patches of skin. Experts, or inquisitors, firmly believed that a witches' mark could be easily identified from a natural mark; in light of this belief, protests from the victims that the marks were natural were often ignored.

Marks on buildings[edit]

Apotropaic marks, made to keep witches out of buildings, are also referred to as witch marks or witches' marks.^[5] Marks have been found at Knole House, at Shakespeare's Birthplace in Stratford-upon-Avon, at the Tower of London, and many churches, but little effort has been made to find them on secular buildings.^[5][6] The marks are most common near places where witches were thought to be able to enter, whether doors, windows or chimneys.^[5] At the Bradford-on-Avon Tithe Barn, a flower-like pattern of overlapping circles is incised into a stone in the wall.^[5] Similar circles occur on a window sill dated about 1616 at Owlpen Manor, in Gloucestershire. Other types of mark include the intertwined letters V and M (for the protector, the Virgin Mary), and crisscrossing lines to confuse any spirits that might try to follow them.^[5]

Medieval inquisitors[edit]

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Authorities in the witch trials routinely stripped an accused witch of clothing and shaved all body hair so that no potential mark could be hidden. Pins were driven into scars, calluses and thickened areas of skin: the practice of 'pricking a witch'. Customarily, this routine was performed in front of a large crowd.^[7] Medieval inquisitors also believed that the Devil left invisible marks upon his followers. If after stripping and shaving, the accused witch was found to have no likely blemishes, pins were simply driven into her body until an insensitive area was found.^[7] The search for witches' marks had disappeared by 1700.^[8]

The violence used against accused witches in order to discover the witches' mark included torture; 'To try to force a confession, priest applied hot fat repeatedly to Catherine Boyraionne's eyes and her armpits, the pit of her stomach, her thighs, her elbows, and 'dans sa nature' — in her vagina. She died in prison, no doubt from injuries.'^[9]

During the witch-trials in early modern Europe, individuals were employed to help aid in the discovery and conviction of witches. These individuals were given the title 'witch finders'. Perhaps the most famous witchfinder was a man named Matthew Hopkins (c. 1620-1647), who claimed to be the 'Witch Finder General'. Hopkins' writings reached the height of their popularity during the English Civil War (circa 1645), and contributed to the use of the witches' mark as evidence of guilt. The record shows that two Scottish women disguised themselves as men, known as 'Mr. Dickson' and 'Mr. Peterson', so they, too, could become witch-finders.^[10]

Historiography[edit]

Pagan tattoos theory[edit]

As far as the historical study of the witches' mark goes, historians are split into different camps. The first camp, sometimes called 'Murray-ists', supports British anthropologistMargaret Murray's theory of the witches' mark. Historical discussion of the witches' mark began after the publication of Murray's books on the subject; Witchcult in Western Europe and The God of the Witches in the early 20th century. Her writings argue strongly that Devil's marks were in actuality tattoos that identified members of an organized pagan religion that she believed flourished in the Middle Ages.^[11] After the publication of her work, the historical community became divided between Murrayist and non-Murrayist scholars; 'When the Witchcult in Western Europe appeared in 1921, it broke this deadlock; yes, said Murray, witches had indeed been up to something of which society disapproved, but it was in no way supernatural; they were merely members of an underground movement secretly keeping pagan rituals alive in Christian Europe.'^[12] Murray's work became widely accepted and she was considered an expert in witchcraft studies after its publication. Murray is also credited with the renewed interest in neo-pagan religions, and later, Wicca, which occurred after the publications of her books. However, today her controversial ideas have been largely rejected by scientists and academics due to the lack of any evidence.

From a feminist perspective[edit]

Another camp believes that the witches' or warlocks' (male witch) mark is a gendered aspect of the witch-hunts. In Anne Barstow's book, Witchcraze: A New History of the European Witch Hunts, the witches' mark is viewed from a feminist perspective. Barstow sees the witch hunts of Europe as an attempt to control women, and the witches' mark as an excuse to control women's bodies through violence and sadism. The searching of women's bodies for the witches' mark gives insight into the reality of a woman's position during this time: 'when 'a personable and good-like woman' was defended by one of the local gentry the pricker argued that, having been accused, she must be tried anyway'.^[13] Barstow views the violent and sexual nature of the witches' mark examinations in the witch trials to be further evidence that the witch-hunts were, in fact, 'women-hunts'.

Fear of maternal power theory[edit]

English Literature professor Deborah Willis, who writes from a feminist perspective, asserts that the witch-hunts resulted from a societal fear of maternal power. Willis argues that the people of early modern Europe all had similar fears about malevolent motherly nurturing, and that the witches' teat is a manifestation of that fear. Willis asserts that the witches' teat is a perversion of the female power to nourish and strengthen young.^[14]

Lyme disease theory[edit]

The witch's mark also factors into the theory proposed by M.M. Drymon that Lyme disease is a diagnosis for both witches and witch affliction, finding that many of the afflicted and accused in Salem and elsewhere lived in areas that were tick-risky, had a variety of red marks and rashes that looked like bite marks on their skin, and suffered from neurological and arthritic symptoms. The appearance of the witches' mark in Europe is only noted after Colombian contact with the New World in 1492 and may be the result of the transfer of a virulent form of borrelia infection from America into Europe, especially in areas under the control of the Spanish Empire, including parts of the Rhine River Valley that are now in Germany. This topic is the subject of a recent work in the study of witchcraft.^[15] This theory is an expansion of the idea first proposed by Laurie Winn Carlson that the bewitched in Salem suffered from encephalitis.^[16] Lyme disease is probably the only form of mild or acute encephalitis that is accompanied by a round red mark or bull's eye rash on the skin, which can appear after tick attachment.^[17]

Other theories[edit]

Various other historians have addressed the witches' mark. In his book Witchcraft, Magic, and Culture Owen Davies describes the witches' mark as an 'established folk belief during the early modern period'.^[18]

See also[edit]

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References[edit]

1. ^'Encyclopedia of Witchcraft: The Western Tradition' Richard M. Golden, Library of Congress vol 4, Q-Z, 2006
2. ^ ^abDevil's mark Guiley, Rosemary Ellen. The Encyclopedia of Witches and Witchcraft. New York: Facts On File.1989. p. 99
3. ^Deborah Willis 'Malevolent Nurture: Witch-hunting and maternal Power in Early Modern England' Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press. 1995. xi + 264 pp.
4. ^'Witchcraft Today: An Encyclopedia of Wiccan and Neopagan Traditions' James R. Lewis, Library of Congress Cataloging-in-publication Data, 1999; pp. 104
5. ^ ^abcdeKennedy, Maev (31 October 2016). 'Witches' marks: public asked to seek ancient scratchings in buildings'. The Guardian. Retrieved 31 October 2016.
6. ^Kennedy, Maev (2014-11-05). 'Witch marks fit for a king beguile archaeologists at Knole'. The Guardian. Retrieved 2014-11-05.
7. ^ ^abHart, R 1971, Witchcraft, London, Wayland
8. ^'Encyclopedia of Witchcraft: The Western Tradition' Richard M. Golden, Library of Congress vol 4, Q-Z, 2006.
9. ^Barstow, Anne Llewellyn. Witchcraze: A New History of the European Witch Hunts. USA: Pandora: A Division of HarperCollins Publishers, 1994.
10. ^Anne Llewelyn Barstow, Witchcraze: A New History of the Witch Hunts. (USA Pandora: A Division of HarperCollins Publishers, 1994), 129.
11. ^The Witch-Cult in Western Europe – A Study in Anthropology By Margaret Alice Murray. OXFORD 1921
12. ^Jaqueline Simpson, 'Margaret Murray: Who Believed her and Why' Folklore 105 (1994):89-96.
13. ^Barstow, Anne Llewellyn. Witchcraze: A New History of the European Witch Hunts. USA: Pandora: A Division of HarperCollins Publishers, 1994. 130.
14. ^Grant, Susan-Mary. 'Robert A. Williams, Jr, Linking arms together: American Indian treaty visions of law and peace, 1600–1800. (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997.) Pages 192. £29.99. -'. Continuity and Change. 14 (1): 131–157. Retrieved 24 November 2017 – via Cambridge Core.
15. ^Drymon, M.M., Disguised as the Devil: How Lyme disease Created Witches and Changed History. Brooklyn, Wythe Avenue Press, 2008
16. ^Carlson, Laurie Winn. A Fever in Salem: A New Interpretation of the New England Witch Trials. Chicago, Ivan R. Dee, 1999
17. ^M.M. Drymon, 'The Witch Mark: Hocus Pocus or Evidence for a 17th Century Epidemic of Lyme Disease?'
18. ^Owen Davies, Witchcraft, Magic, and Culture (New York: Manchester University Press 1999)

Bibliography[edit]

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1. Barstow, Anne Llewellyn. Witchcraze: A New History of the European Witch Hunts. USA: Pandora: A Division of HarperCollins Publishers, 1994.
2. Davies, Owen. Witchcraft, Magic and Culture 1736-1951. New York: St. Martin's Press, Inc., 1999.
3. Drymon, M.M. Disguised as the Devil:How Lyme Disease Created Witches and Changed History. New York: Wythe Avenue Press, 2008.
4. Murray, Margaret A. 'The Devil's Mark'. Man, Vol. 18, (Oct., 1918), pp. 148–153. Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. JSTOR2788131.
5. Murray, Margaret A. The God of the Witches. New York: Oxford University Press, 1970.
6. Willis, Deborah. Malevolent Nurture: Witch-Hunting and Maternal Power in Early Modern Europe. New York: Cornell University Press, 1995.

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